WE LIVE PROUDLY OR DIE HONORABLY

 

 

 

 

 

 

        The glow that the October agreement had brought to our relations with the Soviet Union soon faded. The October agreement stipulated that arms were to be delivered by the end of the year. They were, but not with enough time for us to train our pilots and navigators; therefore, as 1971 closed, our capabilities were not increased at all. (Specifically, we needed at least three months to train our MIG-17 pilots to fly MIG-21s, and 9-12 months to train flight teams for the TU-16s, mainly navigators.) It became increasingly clear that the Soviets were not in favor of our launching an offensive before the end of the "year of decision," as President Sada persisted in announcing daily. It is interesting to note that to save face after all the propaganda surrounding the "year of decision," Sada tried to claim that the arms had actually not been delivered. December 20, 1971: Soviet Ambassador Vinogradov met with  Sadat . Sada told us later the Ambassador informed him that Soviet reconnaissance had detected growing Israeli troop concentrations in Sinai. The Soviets had also learned, he said, that Israel had fresh guarantees of United States' support in the event of a resumption of fighting. It was also very probable that Israel would attack more than one Arab country simultaneously. 

       December 25: Grechko in Cairo. A 24-hour stopover on his way back to Moscow from Mogadishu, so it was not an official visit. But it came just after the Indo-Pakistan War (which had ended with the secession of east Pakistan under the name Bangladesh) so no doubt it served some purpose in the game of nations. Or perhaps, having heard from the Soviet advisers of our discontent, Grechko wished to check things out for himself. He was in fine form; I had never seen him so jovial as at the dinner in his honor that evening at the Soviet Embassy. "Just imagine," he boomed with heavy emphasis, "only yesterday my group and I took a dip in the Indian Ocean." His statement did not go unnoticed. It was a clear message to the effect that the Soviet Union is ready, willing and able to come to the aid of its friends.

        January 2, 1972: By the New Year, Sadiq's criticisms of the Soviet Union were becoming more strident and more public. The President summoned the Armed Forces Supreme Council, I assumed to find out how many shared  Sadiq's views. My notes summarize his account of the political situation: 

        The Americans are giving Israel complete support; while the Soviets have not yet supplied us with what they promised last October. Nor did the deal concluded December 20, 1971: Soviet Ambassador Vinogradov met with Sadat . Sada told us later the Ambassador informed him that Soviet reconnaissance had detected growing Israeli troop concentrations in Sinai. The Soviets  had also learned, he said, that Israel had fresh guarantees of United States' support in the event of a resumption of fighting. It was also very probable that Israel would attack more than one Arab country simultaneously. 
 

-The Americans are giving Israel complete support; while the Soviets have not yet supplied us with what they promised last October. Nor did the deal concluded by General Hasan include all the weapons Sadathad been promised. 

-The Americans are not going to exert pressure on Israel. They now call their role that of "catalyst." 

-1971 was to have been our "year of decision;" but the Soviet failure to supply arms and the outbreak of war between India and Pakistan had forced the President to reconsider. Sadat  then asked for our assessment of the military position: 

        FAHMIY (AIR DEFENSE): "My problem is that I am being asked to prepare an offensive battle with defensive weapons." 

        FAHMIY (NAVY): "We must put pressure on the Soviets to force them to send us those supplies. We could partially or completely close our ports to Soviet vessels if they do not respond." 

        BAGHDADIY (AIR FORCE): "What I need is a deterrent aircraft [i.e., with the capacity to hit back if Israel bombed Egypt's interior]. A fighter-bomber, about Mach Two, with a good payload and the range to reach the enemy's interior. 

        GENERAL `ALIY `ABD AL- KHABIYR(CENTRAL DISTRICT): "The deficiencies in our armed forces make a successful offensive impossible. The main weakness lies in our air force, our lack of transport and communications equipment and our inability to find a way of opening passages fast enough through minefields." 

        GENERAL SA`IYD AL-MAHIY(ARTILLERY): "We must do something within our capabilities." 

        MYSELF (AL-SHAZLIY): "Despite all their deficiencies, our armed forces can mount a limited offensive. The President should contact the Soviets and settle with them the broad issues that will affect our planning. For instance, the Soviets have considerable forces in Egypt: two fighter brigades, an air defense division and several electronic warfare units. We must know what the position of these will be in the event of our launching an assault, especially the role of those electronics units whose task would be to support the offensive." 

      SADIQ, (SUMMING UP): "We are all ready to fight. But we must not decide on war unless victory is guaranteed. The country could not take another defeat. Our forces have many deficiencies. These we must remedy before going into battle. For my part, I will try to remedy some of the defects through purchases from the Western bloc. I will report to you, Mr. President, as soon as I have accomplished that." (See Appendix: Notes to Sadat's Conferences attached below.)

    January 24: An address by  Sadiq to several thousand officers of all ranks. The Soviets, he told them, had not supplied the weapons and equipment we needed. They were deliberately blocking Egypt's offensive. Unless the President could get some new agreement in Moscow in a visit already scheduled for early February, we would buy the weapons anywhere in the world. He warned that the Russians were circulating rumors that our forces already had all they needed but the commanders were unwilling to fight. They must not listen to such lies, Sadiq  said. It was his most outspoken attack on the Soviet Union so far. 

(To be continued)

Next issue: The Gathering Reinforcements


 
 
APPENDIX*
COMMENTS  ON  SADAT'S  CONFERENCES


October 1970-May 1971. During this period the President was without real power and, therefore, repeated the slogans he inherited from Nasir, such as: "What is taken by force could only be retaken by force." He could not challenge the Supreme Executive Committee and call for anything but war; yet in fact, he was playing a double role. He was trying to convince the Egyptian people and the Soviet Union that he was prepared and willing to go to war, while at the same time secretly trying to convince the Americans that he really wanted peace. He is a typical Machivellian ruler. Grasping this fact will make it easier to compare what he says with what he does.

March 23, 1971. The object of the conference was to convince us that he will never negotiate with the enemy. That the enemy is intransigent and will never withdraw troops from Sinai and the other occupied Arab territories unless forced. He distributed the map showing the Israeli demands in order to show us the impossibility of negotiating with them.

June 3, 1971. He was seeking support of the armed forces. He was trying to convince the senior commanders that his action against his political opponents on May 15 (in fact, his coup) was within his constitutional rights. It was not, as we know now. The majority vote in the Supreme Executive Committee was against him. The reason he gave for arresting them was that they were trying to impose trusteeship on him, which they had never done with Nasir.

November 4, November 19, 1971. He was trying to convince the Egyptians and the Soviets that he really wanted war that all his moves toward peace were just to gain time.

January 2, 1972. He wanted to save face after all the propaganda that he was going to war before the end of 1971. He put all the blame on the Soviet Union-for Sadat there is always someone to blame.

June 6, 1972. He acknowledged the report prepared by General ‘Isma`iyl, Director of the National Intelligence Service, that Egypt was not ready to go to war, and declared that he and his War Minister, General Sadiq are of the same opinion. Nevertheless, he dismissed Sadiq four months later, accusing him of not wanting to go to war. Between Sadat 's conference of June 6, 1972, and the dismissal of Sadiq on October 26, 1972, not a single rifle had been added to the weapons we had.

 
ADAPTATIONS



 
 

There are routes not to be followed, armies not to be attacked, citadels not to be besieged, territory not to be fought over, orders of civilian governments not to be obeyed.

Therefore generals who know all possible adaptations to take advantage of the ground know how to use military forces. If generals do not know how to adapt advantageously, even if they know the lay of the land they cannot take advantage of it.

 If they rule armies without knowing the arts of complete adaptivity, even if they know what there is to gain, they cannot get people to work for them.

 If you can change with the momentum of forces, then the advantage does not change, so the only ones who get hurt are others. Therefore there is no constant structure . If you fully comprehend this principle , you can get people to work.

Therefore the considerations of both the intelligent always include both benefit and harm . As they consider benefit , their work can expand: as they consider harm, their troubles can be resolved.
(Sun Tzu chinese warrior-philosopher)

 
 

 
 

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