EPISODE NINE

Equipping
the Infantry All of which was no more than a trial run to the greater hurdle:
enabling our infantry, once on the east bank, to defend their bridgeheads
against armored attack. To recapitulate: our ferries would start at
H + 5 to H + 7 Hours, the bridges would follow two hours later. Our
tanks and other support units would not reach the far bank in quantity
before H + 12 Hours. (Administrative elements and units would not
join their mother-units before H + 18 Hours.)
In
essence it would be like an airborne operation, where paratroopers are
dropped in the enemy's rear and, relying solely upon what they can carry-arms,
ammunition, equipment, provisions-are ordered to hold out for one or two
days before relief by the advancing main force. Except that paratroopers
can usually expect surprise to provide a lull before the counter-attack,
whereas our infantry should expect assault by armor supported by air strikes
virtually from the moment of crossing.
Equipment
was available. We could give a man antitank guided weapons (ATCWs)
to repel armor, and portable SAM-7s against low-flying aircraft.
We could give him ammunition, food and water for 24 hours. We could
give him anti-tank mines to consolidate a group of foxholes into a strongpoint.
But how could we expect him to carry all that?
It
was a real headache. A soldier cannot carry more than 60-65 pounds
without a marked drop in his performance-and that weight included everything.
Repeating to myself the old paratroopers' dictum "maximum firepower, minimum
frills," and with lists in front of me of what every soldier in an airborne
brigade carried I sat down and began the endless task of juggling weights:
First,
survival needs. For 24 hours, plus a margin in case he hit trouble
or got lost, each man would need five pounds of food and four and a half
pints of water, a steel helmet, field kit and minimum clothing. Total:
25 lbs. Margin for weaponry: 40 lbs.
That
was ample for the standard infantryman. His rifle, 300 rounds and
two grenades weigh about 35 lbs. But what of those carrying portable support
weapons? The list was formidable: ATGWs (Russian codename MALOTKA)
SAM-7s (codename STRELLA); the 82mm mortar; our anti-tank
guns; the 82mm and 107mm recoilless launchers (B-10 10
and B-11 11) and the rocket-propelled grenades (RPGs); the medium
machineguns; the 12.7 min anti-aircraft machineguns; the flame-throwers,
and on and on. Those are all very heavy. Their crews could never carry
them plus the minimum ammunition they would need to face the counter-attacks
we expected.
The
solution was to distribute the loads among groups of infantry men detailed
to stick together as assault teams (which sounds easy until you try to
ensure that each member of the team can still carry out individual tactical
tasks). Even so, I did not succeed. When the final fists for each infantry
division were drawn up, individual loads varied between 60 lbs. and 75
lbs. and, in a few cases, even heavier.
That
was unsatisfactory. But while I brooded on it, some improvements could
be made. Our standard field kit, for instance, was unsuitable for the 2,000
officers and 30,000 men of the initial assault force. Among its other
deficiencies it was too heavy, while the water bottle was too small. I
took our needs to the Quartermaster General of the Armed Forces, General
Nawad Sa`iyd. By December 1971 General Sa`iyd
had managed to give me 50,000 four-and-a-half pint water
bottles. Refining the rest of the kit proved harder. The multitude of different:
tasks confronting different soldiers, plus the need to cut the weight problem
to expedite the assault teams, meant that our men would be carrying scores
of different loads. The ideal field kit would vary with each load-an administrative
nightmare. It took us almost a year and a good number of field trials before,
on July 12, 1972, I approved five types of infantry field kits,
cut back to the bare essentials. Before October that year, the indefatigable
General Sa`iyd had delivered 50,000 kits, enough for our
32,000 assault infantry with 50 percent to spare.
In
all we did, we sought simplicity. By July 1972, for example, our
assault infantry was equipped not only with Infra-red and star-light scopes
for night-fighting but also with welder's goggles. During the War of Attrition,
the enemy had taken to mounting tanks and trucks with blinding xenon floodlights
to dazzle and immobilize our commando teams operating at the rear of enemy
lines. Welder's goggles would neutralize their effect. The first wave of
infantry were also given simple rope ladders, 1,440 of them, to
hang down the sand rampart for the next wave to scramble up.
Weight
remained the problem. To get loads even as light as they were, we had dropped
essential equipment. Our portable support weapons would have far too little
ammunition-barely enough, I calculated, for an hour of heavy combat. The
assault force would have no mines, no mine detectors, no explosives; no
ranging instruments or radios to spot and direct covering artillery fire
from the west bank; no signs and direction markers to guide support units
to them by day or night. We needed another answer
The
enemy gave it to me. When I went as Commander to the Red Sea District
in January 1970, I had begun by studying all previous operations
of the enemy in my area. One had been an artillery barrage of Port Safagah,
a few months before I arrived. Puzzled, I went to look at the craters,
still readily visible. They could only have been made by 120mm mortar
fire. So it had been a raid by an airborne mortar team. Knowing the range
of the 120mm mortar and looking for helicopter landing-sites I would
have chosen had I been the enemy commander, it was not difficult to pinpoint
the two likeliest spots on a map. We drove out to find the landing site,
and not far away, the tell-tale evidence of mortar firings. Among the abandoned
gear was a crude, four-wheeled cart.
As
ex-commander of our special forces, I was impressed. It was simple, ingenious,
useful. I loaded it onto my car, took it to my HQ and, calling in
my Chief Technical Officer, ordered six just like it. He looked
it over and said he could do better. Only the wheels posed problems: the
armed forces had none so tiny. They reminded him of Vespa wheels-Vespas
being those small scooters much favored by our youth. I gave him leave
to hunt in El Kanto, the Cairo market for secondhand car
parts. When we had his first prototype, we experimented to find optimum
loads and dimensions; then we made another five. We found that the most
that two men could drag over two or three miles of rough country was 375
lbs.
Now,
as Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces struggling to equip our assault
troops, those carts came back to me. On July 21, 1971, my diary records
that I called in the director of GHQ's. vehicles department, General
Gamal Sidqiyy, showed him one of our Red Sea carts
and said: "I want 1,000 like it." A few days later, Sidqiyy,
came back. Wheels were still the problem. Even if we emptied El Kanto,
we could fit no more than 100 carts. We would have to make the wheels
or import them from Italy and that would take six months. I agreed.
By
January 1972 I had my 1,000 carts; October 1972
my second thousand; by April 1973, I had 3,000. In
October 1973, our infantry stormed the canal pulling 2,240 carts
behind them, carrying 336 tons of war material. On the basis that
a man can carry 40 pounds over and above his own survival needs, we would
have needed 22,400 unarmed men-porters-to carry what our assault
force drew with them.
Equipment
could powerfully increase our infantry's capabilities. But the central
question remained. Could 32,000 officers and men, crossing on five
separate fronts each four miles wide, stand a good chance of carrying our
their mission to destroy the Bar-Lev line and repel counter-attacks?
Especially when the enemy's front-line force of 360 tanks (three
brigades) would be coming into action in two hours at most, while the
Israeli Sinai force of another four armored brigades and four infantry
brigades might be expected, on our DID's estimate, in six
to eight hours? Nor, in weighing that, could we consider our 32,000
men as a unified bloc, reaching the far bank in a single bound. They would-be
going over in waves, each differing in size, arms and equipment. The first
assault wave, the biggest, would be 4,000 men. The rest would follow
in another 11 waves, 15 minutes apart.
Idecided
the odds were too high. I made two decisions to reduce them. The first
was that we must support our troops on the east bank with the heaviest
possible fire from the west bank, especially anti-tank fire. The second,
was that our troops would have to stay within range of that fire, which
meant we would have to curb their advance still further. They would have
to halt no more than three miles east of the Canal. There
they must wait for tanks and other support units, which would start to
reach them about H + 10 Hours. Only after the arrival .of this support
and the necessary reorganization and regrouping, would our forces enlarge
their bridgeheads.
Even
so, our estimate remained unchanged that by H + 18 Hours each infantry
division should have consolidated a bridgehead five miles deep and ten
miles wide along the canal.
With
all the adjustments needed to tailor equipment and tactics to the infantry's
capabilities, therefore, our basic scenario emerged unchanged. The battle
of the crossing would only be won 18 hours from the start of our
assault.
(To be continued)
NEXT: EPISODE
ELEVEN
MARSHALLING THE
CROSSING |