The long series of events that took place in Egypt during the 20th century, and through which many of our generations have lived, have consisted almost exclusively of one recurrent theme: an endless struggle to achieve and maintain our independence, either militarily or politically. The trend has been so continuous that it may well engender an attitude of fatalism. 

Egyptians may tend to think that men are but the playthings of an inexorable historical fate, which carries them along.  Sometimes to success and sometimes to failure. All this should lead us to examine events of our history in some detail, to try and discover the causes, which form the connecting links between them. 

Among these events, the Suez episode is particularly rich in lessons, both because of the importance of its consequences and because the operation was limited both in time and space. It is possible to see, in the raw, the effect of those factors which led to the 1956 Suez crisis and beyond.

Because of its length, this article has been divided into several parts.  In this month's issue I will start with the first part: 

Salah El-Din El-Homosany

In the aftermath of WW II, Great Britain expecting Egypt to appeal to the Security Council to order them to evacuate Egypt and Sudan, British officials sought full American support of their efforts to meet this challenge to their strategic and political interests. 

Meanwhile American policy pursued conflicting objectives namely of mollifying Egyptian nationalism while preserving vital Western strategic interests in Egypt. 

The American pursuit of irreconcilable objectives created discord with Britain, with the consequences of failing to improve relations with Egypt, and diminishing the United States' ability to settle the Anglo-Egyptian controversy. Renewed strategic interest in the Suez Canal Zone base strongly determined the British position toward the Egyptian appeal to the Security Council

American strategists fully agreed that Britain must maintain its presence in Egypt, but some American officials wanted Britain to compromise with Egyptian national aspirations. Anglo-American differences of opinion also surfaced regarding the best means to respond to the Egyptian challenge and the American role in the Security Council debates.

In late March 1947, the Foreign Office explicitly asked for American support in this matter suggesting that S. Pinckney Tuck, the American ambassador in Cairo, warn King Farouq and Prime Minister Mahmoud El-Noqrashy that an appeal to the United Nations would be in for a rough time and will not receive US support. 

To complicate the situation, Egypt sought American support for its appeal to the Security Council. On 27 March, Egyptian Pime Minister el-Noqrashy offered to back the anti-Soviet strategy enunciated in the Truman Doctrine provided the United States helped Egypt escape the shackles of foreign domination. Mahmoud Hassan, the Egyptian ambassador in Washington, advised the Americans to side with Egypt at the United Nations in an effort to heal the damage caused by Washington's pro-British "intervention" of May 1946.

 A Security Council decision favorable to Britain, other Egyptian officials warned, would destabilize the Middle East and generate Arab misunderstanding about American objectives around the world. State Department officials refused Egypt's requests. 

For financial and ideological reasons Great Britain announced plans in January and February 1947 to grant independence to India, to end economic and military assistance to Greece and Turkey, and to surrender the British mandate over Palestine

Having eyed Palestine as a potential replacement base site when they agreed in May 1946 to evacuate Egypt, British Foreign Office and War Office planners thus became determined to retain base rights in Egypt and urged their Prime Minister Clement Attlee to exclude evacuation of that country from his plans to retract the boundaries of empire. 

Departure from the Suez Canal Zone would draw Soviet influence into the area, the Foreign Office argued, and heighten the probability of world war in which the British would be massacred.

 

el_homosany@yahoo.com
© el-Homosany 2003

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