EPISODE
SIX
Controlled
Armed forces of a million or so men presents its problems.
When I was appointed
Chief of Staff in May 1971, we had some
800,000 men in active service. Shortly before the October
War, the total swelled to about 1,050,000. With an additional
150,000 mobilized on the eve of war and during the fighting, our
armed forces totaled 1. 2 million at their peak.
I
have already explained why fewer than half of our forces were available
for front-line combat. My job, nevertheless, encompassed all troops. To
assist me I had the General Headquarters (GHQ), itself an apparatus
with 5,000 officers and 20,000 enlisted men. At its apex
were 40 generals who served as my direct assistants and subordinates.
That was merely the first layer. The armed forces were split into 14
commands and military districts: Navy, Air Force, Air Defense, Second
Army, Third Army, E Paratroops, Rangers, Red Sea District, Northern District,
Western District, Central District, Middle District, Southern District
and Port Said. Between myself and the fighting man lay seven intermediate
layers of command.
I determined
to find a way of short circuiting that bureaucracy. Meanwhile, the first
priority was training. A Chief of Staff is responsible for training
of the armed forces as a whole. His main and immediate responsibility however,
is the top-level training of the commands subordinate to him. I began with
those I have listed.
A
good deal had already been started. Since 1967 a series of command-level
exercises had been carried out-some involving individual commands, others
focusing on coordination between different commands under the code name
Liberation. Five days after I took over as Chief of Staff I found
myself, on May 21 1971 , directing Liberation 18. (My last
such exercise was Liberation 35, which began on June 24, 1973.)
Rangers
of an infantry division rehearsing the crossing of
the Suez Canal
Each
exercise would last three to six days, and was designed to pose
operational problems that might be met in real war. In the eighteen Liberation
exercises I controlled as Chief of Staff, I made it a rule to spend
the whole time with the troops, living and eating with them, joyfully abandoning
my paperwork. They recalled my years as a field officer and were among
my happiest days as Chief of Staff.
It
was, no doubt, because of those years that the gulf between myself and
the fighting man so concerned me .I have never been satisfied with issuing
orders and receiving reports through chains of subordinates. I prefer direct
and continuous contact with my junior officers and men in the front line.
In previous commands, I managed it. As Battalion Commander I had seen my
men every day; as Brigade Commander, once a week. As Commander of Special
Forces most of them in one base, InshaaS.
I
could still see everyone once a week. Even as Commander of the Red Sea
District, with its
600-mile front, I had let no month go by without
a tour of the troops. Now, as Chief of Staff of an enormous military
machine scattered over more than 390,000 square miles, that tradition
of systematic personal visits was clearly impossible. Yet it was essential
to restore its essence. If I relied as Chief of Staff on the traditional
chain of command, only one of the seven layers between me and the fighting
man had to fail in its communications task and the work at GHQ could
be disabled.
This
was not a cult of personality. I had always been one of those field commanders
passionately concerned with minor tactics: the battlefield skills of the
smallest section, platoon or company. The best plan in the world is useless
if the young officer or his men do not have the training or will to carry
it out. Every commander, however exalted, whatever armies he disposes,
must keep in touch with his "poor bloody infantry "know what they
can do, sense what they can feel, imbue them in turn with what he feels
and what he demands. Without that rapport he is no more than a "classroom
commander," a master of maps maybe, but lost on the field. Many of
the weaknesses in our armed forces, it was clear to me, stemmed from persistent
failure in precisely this area. Our senior commanders had neglected - the
training and development of the individual soldier. The rapid expansion
of our armed forces since
1967, filling units with under-trained
soldiers led by under trained officers, had merely deepened our plight.
These .conditions had to be improved.
REACHING
THE SOLDIER
I adopted
new methods and opened new channels I of communication. My first step was
to begin a monthly meeting. To it, I decreed, would come my 40 assistant
generals, the heads of the 14 subordinate commands plus the
next layer of command in each (the divisional commanders of the ground
forces and so on). In all, 90-100 generals. Each meeting lasted
six to eight hours, broken only by short coffee breaks and a collective
a deliberately convivial lunch in the GHQ cafeteria.

From
my days as a field officer I under I understood
the misunderstandings between field and staff. Field officers see staff
officers as bureaucratic, removed from the reality of battle, seeking only
to impress their authority through ridiculous orders and regulations. Staff
officers see field units as extravagant, wasteful and careless of instructions,
especially administrative and technical ones. As Chief of staff I felt
myself still a field officer, yet I now con trolled all staff work. It
seemed to me crucial to break down the barriers of mistrust. The monthly
meetings and their comradely lunches were my means. The only model I can
give for them is a democratic parliamentary assembly. Decisions emerged
after free discussion. As they listened and spoke, staff officers-some
with little or no field experience-began to realize the problems of field
commanders; while field commanders saw, for the first time, reasons for
limitations the staff imposed. At most meetings sensible decisions emerged
to ninety percent of the problems we discussed. Where one clearly needed
more study, a joint field-staff committee would be set up to consider it
and report to the next meeting guided the discussions; and would
adjudicate when necessary, which was rare.
The
system achieved all I had hoped. And I, at the same time, made direct contact
with both chains of command, field and staff. But what to do about the
layers still between me and the fighting man? These I decided to penetrate
with directives.
All
commanders use directives to a degree, but I tried a novel approach. Mine
were, for a start, irregular, each one inspired by a specific incident,
a particular mistake. But I tried to go beyond mere correction of error,
important as that was. I tried to instill new ideas and new concepts. Every
word was chosen with care. I put everything I had into their composition.
The papers had differing grades of secrecy. Some were distributed only
at brigade level, others to battalion; but most were directed to company
commanders with instructions that they should pass on their message to
their men. Whenever I visited the forces, I made a point of questioning
all e if they knew the applicable directives. I was at the results. One
of the happiest moments of my career came at the Suez front on October
8, two our crossing. Wherever I went, the troops cheered and shouted:
"Directive 41, we did it!" In directive 41, I had laid down
how our infantry divisions would cross the canal.
With
directives, I could reach company commanders. they in turn were supposed
to instruct, command, and control the men under their command. But armed
forces a million men require roughly 10,000 company commanders
or their equivalent. In no way could I ensure tall of them would be efficient.
So I decided to establish direct contact even with non-commissioned officers
and men.
To
do this I wrote pamphlets, mini-booklets really, of pocket-size. Six
I wrote and distributed before the battle. The titles indicate their range:
Soldier's Guide; Driver's Guide; Observation Post Guide; Military Traditions;
Guide to Safety
if Lost in the Desert; and Our Belief in God and
in our Cause is our Road to Victory. The first and last were each printed
in 1.2 million copies so every man would get one; and my orders
were strict that the latter, which was distributed in midsummer, three
months before the battle, must be carried at all times, since none could
know when battle would come.
When
the Israelis later found it on prisoners taken in the fighting, their Zionist
allies abroad tried to twist my phrases to accuse me of ordering our men
to kill prisoners in cold blood. That is a lie, as a reading of the text
by any impartial international group would confirm. I could never give
such an order. It is against my religion. It is against my entire ethos
as a soldier. To kill a prisoner would be an act of cowardice; I could
never order brave men to be cowards. [1]
In
retrospect, I think that the two pamphlets issued after the cease
fire-my seventh and eighth-will be of future importance. Pamphlet No.
7, Guide to Junior Officers in Infantry and mechanized Infantry Formations,
was published on December 5, 1973. The eighth, Guide to Junior Officers
in Armored Formations, I revised and approved for publication a week later,
on December 11, the day before my dismissal. Since it was one of
my last official acts, I am glad it will have lasting value. Both pamphlets
were based on the experiences of the October War. We had by then
studied our own failings. We had also studied the enemy's, evaluating every
Israeli tactic both from our encounters with them and from interrogation
of the prisoners we took. We found the Israeli prisoners, for the most
part, eager to talk. The assault had evidently shattered so many of their
illusions that they seemed to feel a pressing need to justify themselves
to us, a not uncommon psychological phenomenon.
I regard
my seventh and eighth pamphlets as being of paramount importance
for two further reasons. The first I previously mentioned as a consideration
driving me toward a limited assault: to learn war, fight war. The October
War taught us modern warfare; those pamphlets codify its lessons. The
second reason I have already diagnosed as the root cause of many of our
weaknesses in battle: the persistent failure of senior commanders to train
and develop the individual soldier. Our junior officers were equally neglected.
I commonly met young lieutenants or captains, sergeants even, who could
discourse lucidly on battalion or brigade tactics but floundered when questioned
on the conduct of a section or platoon. It was not their fault; it reflected
the bias of their training. Those last. two pamphlets, properly used, will
continue the reforms I began.
Young
officers need more than knowledge, of course. They need to learn leadership-how
to bear responsibility and make decisions. Yet our practice had always
been to keep junior officers under stultifying strict supervision .was
time to loosen the reins.
I instituted
"Adventure Training": sending young officers and their men into
the wilds equipped to fend for themselves while completing some self-selected
task. I first had the idea as our defense attaché in London in 1961-63.
(It is of course a recognized part of training in Western armies.) But
when I decided to introduce it in 1972, some eyebrows were raised.
The arguments for it were clear, though. Only by getting away from their
commanders could young officers learn individual responsibility. Traveling
and camping together for days or even weeks would strengthen ties between
men and between officers and enlisted men. These tasks were not to be boringly
military; an element of recreation was also to be present: trekking to
some distant place of interest, perhaps, or a project to explore or study
something. My directive authorized the use of military transport, food
and first-aid packs for these adventure groups. I also decreed that reports
had to be submitted afterwards and would count toward a young man's career
prospects. To spur the scheme I personally examined the first batch. The
best, I recall, was from Lieutenant `Atif `Abd al-Baqiy al-Sa`iyd.
On September 25, 1972, I had the pleasure of receiving him
and his divisional commander in my office and presenting the young man
with a watch.
NEXT: EPISODE
EIGHT
THE BUILDING
OF THE ARMED FORCES
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FOOTNOTES
(1)
Actually, in a twist of irony, the reverse had occurred: In
1995 the Egyptian authorities unearthed, in the vicinity of al-`Ariysh,
the remains of Egyptian POWs who have been massacred by the IDF during
the1967 war.
"
According to eyewitness accounts by Israeli officers and journalists, the
Israeli Army - the army that claims to hold itself to a higher moral standard
than other armies - executed as many as 1,000 Arab prisoners during the
1967 war. Historian Gabby Bron wrote in the Yediot Ahronot in Israel that
he witnessed Israeli troops executing Egyptian prisoners on the morning
of June 8, 1967, in the Sinai town of El-Arish. Bron reported that he saw
about 150 Egyptian POWs being held at the El -Arish airport where they
were sitting on the ground, densely crowded together with their hands held
on the back of their necks. Every few minutes, Bron writes, Israeli
soldiers would escort an Egyptian POW from the group to a hearing conducted
by two men in Israeli army uniforms. Then the man would be taken away,
given a spade, and forced to dig his own grave.
"I
watched as (one) man dug a hole for about 15 minutes," Bron wrote: Afterwards,
the (Israeli military) policeman told him to throw the shovel away, and
then one of them leveled an Uzi at him and shot two short bursts, each
of three or four bullets."
Bron
says he witnessed about ten such executions, until the grave was filled.
Then an Israeli Colonel threatened him with a revolver, forcing him to
leave the area. "
The
following is a verbatim quote from an article by the Christian Science
Monitor:
"Israeli historians and military officers have alleged that Israeli soldiers
killed hundreds of Egyptian civilians and prisoner-of-war during the Arab-Israeli
conflicts in 1956 and 1967. In an interview Saturday, Mr. Mubarak
said he believed the damage from the reports could be contained but that
Israel must first investigate and bring those responsible to trial.
"You
opened the issue." Mubarak said he told Mr. Rabin on Thursday.
"We
had no idea before you opened it, so you have to make an investigation."
The
alleged atrocities were reported last month but were muted by Egypt to
avoid disrupting the final negotiations leading to the interim Israeli-Palestinian
peace accord singed on Thursday.
As
many as 800 Egyptians may have been killed, according to Israeli sources.
The remains of between 30 and 60 were discovered two weeks ago near El-Arish
in the northern Sinai desert, intensifying public pressure on Mubarak to
force Israel to make an accounting..
"People
ask how, why? There are so many articles every day," says the Egyptian
president. "We can't just keep silent. This is a crime."
An Israeli statute prohibits prosecuting capital offenses after 20 years.
The law makes exceptions for genocide, including Nazi-related crimes.
Mubarak insists that the 1949 Geneva Convention that codifies international
law relating to armed conflict contains no statute of
limitations.
So far, Israel has not responded to Egyptian requests for an investigation."
Information regarding the Israeli
massacre of Egyptian POWs can be found in an article by George Moffett,
Staff writer of The Christian Science Monitor, ED 19951002.
http://www.csmonitor.com/cgi-bin/getasciiarchive?tape/95/oct/day02/02012.
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